A story of starvation death published in 1997

भूख से मौत

नेता, अफसरों को प्रेषित जानकारी भी निरर्थक

purushottam singh thakur

महुलकोट ( खरियार ) । बीडीओ, तहसीलदार, डिप्टी कलेक्टर , कलेक्टर , विधायक दुर्योधन माझी से लेकर सांसद भक्त चरणदास तक आठ-आठ अधिकारियों एवं जनप्रतिनिधिओं को रजिस्टर्ड पत्र दिया, पर किसी साहब या नेताओं ने इस पर ध्यान देने की जरूरत महसूस नहीं की। इतने बड़े बड़े लोग हैं, कम से कम हमारे पत्र पाने की सूचना देने की शिष्टाचार निभाते। हम गरीब हैं इसलिए हमारे दु:ख दर्द सुनने वाला कोई माई बाप नहीं है। इन सारे शिकायतों की बौछार महुलकोट के जसोवंत शबर ने इस प्रतिनिधि के सामने किया।

उसके इस गुस्से का कारण है, पिछले माह उनके गाँव का एक गरीब मजदूर डमबूढ़ा माझी ( 43 ) वर्ष की उम्र में भूख से मौत। जिस से दु:खी इस ग्रामीण ने इसकी सूचना इन अधिकारियों और नेताओं को दी । पत्र रजिस्टर्ड करने के लिए गाँव की यज्ञ कमेटी के पैसे खर्च किए गये थे।

गाँव के ही कुँवर शबर व नेत्र भोई ने कहा कि यहाँ ग्रामीण ज्यादातर चंअरा जंगल से जलाऊ लकड़ी लाकर खरियार ले जाकर बेचते हैं। यहाँ से खरियार 13 किमी है और उतनी ही दूर इधर चंअरा जंगल है। ड़मबूढ़ा माझी भी महुलकोट के उन सैंकड़ों लकड़ी बेचकर पेट पालने वालों में से एक था। इस दफा सूखे के कारण गाँव में खेतिहर मजदूरी तो नहीं मिली साथ ही लकड़ी बेचकर पेट पालना भी परिश्रम का काम है और मुश्किल भी। इधर पैसे कि समस्या से डमबूढ़ा माझी के घर कभी चूल्हा जलता तो कभी नहीं। खाने पीने के अभाव के चलते वह कमजोर भी होगया । इस तरह गत माह उसकी अत्यंत ही दयनीय स्थिति में भूख से मौत हो गई । इस से व्यथित ग्रामीण ने इस विषय की जानकारी बीडीओ से लेकर कलेक्टर तक, एम एल ए और एम पी तक को दी। पर किसी ने नहीं सूनी । डमबूढ़ा के परिवार में उसकी पत्नी 39 वर्षीया गोमती के अलावा 14 वर्षीय लड़का भगवान माझी है।

यहाँ पर उल्लेखनीय है कि गोमती ग्रीन कार्ड धारी हैं। उनके दो लड़के के होने के बाद 1985 में परिवार नियोजन करवाया था। जिसमें से बाद में एक लड़का दवाई पानी के अभाव में पहले ही मर चुका है। जब डमबूढ़ा जीवित था तभी इन लोगों ने ग्रीन कार्ड के अंतर्गत सरकार द्वारा दी जा रही सहायता के तहत 22.8.88 में उसे ज़मीन आदि दिलवाने के लिए 40 रुपये देकर एक दरख्वास्थ लिखवाकर तत्कालीन अविभाज्य कालाहांडी के जिलाधीश को दी थी। परंतु तब भी वहाँ से कोई जवाब नहीं आया। गोमती कहती हैं, “ तहसीलदार कार्यालय शायद मेरे पिताजी भी नहीं देखे हों, पर इसके लिए मैंने देखा। वहाँ से आर आई ( रेविन्यू इंस्पेक्टर ) आने वाला था, जिसके चलते मैंने घर में चाय और चीनी का इंतज़ाम किया था पर उसके न आने से सब नुकसान हो गया।

भगवान माझी उसके पिता कि मृत्यु के बाद से पिछले महीने से आश्रम स्कूल से वापस आगया है। सक तो यह है कि वह इस से पूर्व  बिरीघाट आश्रम स्कूल में पढ़ता था। बाद में वह बोडेन आश्रम स्कूल में दाखिला लिया। बोडेन स्कूल में 200 रुपये किसी फीस बाबाद हैड मास्टर द्वारा मांगने पर जब भगवान नहीं दे पाया तब उसे स्कूल से बाहर आजाना पड़ा। जब हमने पूछा कि अब स्कूल जाएगा क्या ? वह जवाब देने से पहले उसकी माँ कहती है “ वह स्कूल चला जाएगा तो मुझे अब कौन पालेगा ? “ अब भगवान ही गोमती का एक मात्र सहारा है। भगवान जंगल जाकर लकड़ी लाता है तब गोमती लकड़ी को लेकर खरियार बेचने जाती है। पर उसकी स्थिति अब अत्यंत दयनीय है। गाँव वालों ने गाँव में दी जारही आपात भोजन व्यवस्था के अंतर्गत इनके नाम देना चाहा पर उसमें भी इनका नाम नहीं चढ़ाया गया। इस बात से ग्रामीण सभी दुखी हैं।

परिवार नियोजन का सुखी परिवार का सपना देखने वाला यह परिवार अब चरमराता नज़र आरहा है। इनकी ओर शीघ्र ध्यान देने के साथ साथ गाँव में लोगों को काम मुहैया भी शीघ्र कराने कि आवश्यकता है। डमबूढ़ा के मौत की समाचार इन लोगों के चुप रह जाने के के बारे में गाँव के पूर्व समिति सदस्य नरहरी का कहना है की इस प्रकार के सूखे के समय जब हमारे गाँव से कई मर गए थे, तब भी कुछ नहीं हुआ, जो आदमी मर गया तो मर गया, फिर ये अधिकारियों आदि शिकायत कभी नहीं की।

पर इस पकार की एक गंभीर समस्या की सूचना पाने के बावजूद अधिकारियों ने इस ओर ध्यान नहीं दिया पर इस घटना से गाँव के लोगों में प्रशासन के खिलाफ रोष फैलगई है। इस लिए इस परिवार को शीघ्र काम देने के साथ साथ और आगे भूख से मौत से रोका जाये।  ( 1997 में पुरुषोत्तम सिंह ठाकुर की रिपोर्ट, दैनिक भास्कर )

हम नहीं बल्कि गुटखा हमें चबा रहा है कच्चा

 PURUSHOTTAM SINGH THAKUR, 2009-10

 35 साल के अविनाश के के पास बाकी कुछ हो या नहीं उनके जेब में हर वक्त 8 से 10 गुटखा पाउच जरूर होता है और एक के बाद एक गुटखा पाउच वह खोलकर लगातार खाते ही रहते हैं, वह भोजन नहीं मिलने से उतना बैचेन नहीं होते लेकिन गुटखा नहीं मिलने से वह बेचैन हो जाते हैं। गुटखा खाने से मुंह में कैंसर हो सकता है और यह बात कई गुटखा खाने वालों को पता हो या नहीं पर अविनाश को यह बात अच्छी तरह से पता है, वह पोस्टरों में भी देख चुका है और उन लोगों से भी मिल चुका है जिनके गाल और जबडे में घाव होने के साथ साथ कष्ट झेल रहे थे, पर, इन सब के बावजूद जब उससे पूछा जाता है कि वह सब जानते हुए भी गुटखा का इस्तेमाल क्यों करा है? तो बातों को हवा में उडाते हुए कहता है कि अरे कुछ नहीं होगा, और होगा तो देखा जाएगा। अविनाश एक सामाजिक कार्यकत्र्ता हैं, जो अपना काम-धंधा छोड दूसरों की सेवा में लगे रहते हैं, जब उनसे गंभीरता से पूछा गया तो उसका उत्तर था कि छोडना तो मैं भी चाहता हूं पर ऐसी कई कोशिशों के बावजूद कर नहीं पाया हूं। अब यह आदत पड गई है जिससे छुटकारा मिलना फिलहाल मुश्किल लगता है।

रायपुर का 9 वर्षीय सलमान दिनभर कूडेदानों में घूम-घूम क पाॅलीथीन बीनता है और मुश्किल से 30 रूपये से 80 रूपये का कूडा बेचकर कमा लेता है पर, दिनभर में वह 10 से 15 रूपये ाक गुटखा खा जाता है। पूछने पर वह कहता है कि सब तो गुटखा खाते हैं और हमारे बडे भाई लोग कहते है, गुटखा खाओ, बिंदास रहो, इससे साफ है कि गुटखा अब बच्चों के भी दिलो दिमाग में — कर गया है और सलमान अकेला नहीं है उसके जैसे सैकडों बच्चे आज गुटखा का इस्तेमाल कर रहे हैं, जिनके दिमाग से इसे निकालना इतना आसान नहीं है। गुटखा अब शहर से लेकर गांव तक, गली-मुहल्लों से लेकर शहर में कही भी उपलब्ध है- रंग बिरंगी आकर्षक पाउच में।

गुटखा क्या है?

गुटखा एक बहुत ही घातक चबाने और चूसने वाला सिचर है , जिसे गुटखा या गुटका भी कहा जा रहा है। यह तकरीबन 1975 से इस तरह से पाउच और पैकेट में मिल रहा है पर लगता है अब पिछले कुछ सालों से यह ज्यादा फैल चुका है। इसके बारे में धमतरी के रंजना ठाकुर का कहना है कि इसके दो वजह हो सकते है, एक तो सिगरेट का सार्वजनिक स्थानों में वर्जित होने से लोग गुटखा को उसका तात्कालिक विकल्प के रूप में अपना रहे हैं क्योंकि सिगरेट के समान यह भी एक तंबाकू प्रोडक्ट है, इसका सबसे ज्यादा प्रतिकूल असर हमारे स्वास्थ्य पर हो रहा है। इसे इस्तेमाल करने वाले बच्चों और युवाओं के मुंह के कैंसर के पूर्व बहुत पीडादायक अवस्था जिसे अंगे्रजी में ओरल सवम्युकोस फिब्रोसिस ;वतंस ेनइउनबवने पिइतवेपेद्ध कहा जाता है, पाया जा रहा है। यह आदत बहुत ही कार्सिनोजेनिक है क्योंकि इसमें सुपारी और तंबाकू दोनों शामिल हैं। गुटका, धूम्रपान का पहला पडाव भी हो सकता है।

गुटखा का कॅम्पोजिशन

इसमें सुखा सुपारी तंबाकू , खैर ;बंसबपनउ ीलकतवगपकमद्ध, निंबू और सुगंधित बनाने के लिए दूसरें चीजों का इस्तेमाल होता है, इसे सुगंधित और स्वादिष्ट बनाने के लिए और कई मसाला और रसायन का उपयोग किया जाता है जैसे खुशबुदार चंदन लकडी की सुगंध, और सुगंध की वजह से चिढ या खीज को दूर करने के लिए मेंथोल और यूरोनोल शामिल किया जाता है साथ ही स्वादिष्ट करने के लिए चीनी या मीठा करने वाले पदार्थ, उसके अलावा एनी चीजें जैसे स्वाद विलायक ट्र्ायसेटिन ;जतपंबमजपदद्धए ग्लिसरल ;ीनउमबजंदजेद्ध साथ ही कवक विरोधी खाद्य परिरक्षकों ;ेवकपनउ चतवचतपवदंजमद्ध साथ ही कई दूसरे रसायन जैसे अमोनिया, कैल्सियम और मैगनेसियम कार्बोनेटेस शामिल है।

एक नजर आंकडों पर

ळल्ज्ै.इंडिया के अध्ययन के मुताबिक भारत में महाराष्ट्र् और पंजाब जैसे राज्यों में इसका इस्तेमाल 15 से 66 प्रतिशत है, इसकी वजह से युवा कम उम्र में बीमारी और मौत के शिकार होने लगे हैं, जिसे रोकने के लिए कडे कदम उठाने की आवश्यकता है। स्वस्थ और सुंदर दुनिया के लिए तंबाकू को रोकना जरूरी है क्योंकि तंबाकू से दुनिया भर की अर्थ व्यवस्था को 500 अरब डालर की चपत लगती है और यह स्वास्थ्य पर निम्न व मध्यम आय वाले देशों के कुल वार्षिक खर्च से ज्यादा है,

Caption: हम नहीं बल्कि गुटखा हमें चबा रहा है कच्चा

Language: Hindi

Release Date: NA

Fellowship Year: 2009-10

No More Crushing Debts

Purusottam Singh Thakur, 1997 Fellow, NFI

The women of Badtunda’s mission to recover their land, their rights and their freedom.
A couple of years back, Niladri, Indira, Kushalya and Kalinga’s families had mortgaged their land to mahajans and landlords of the village. Today, Niladri and Indira are free of debt and own 50 dismal of land each in their village Badtunda, in Bangomunda block of Bolangir district. Twelve other women of this village have also earned their right to parental land. But this right was not achieved overnight – it was the outcome of a long and bitter struggle spearheaded by the Badtunda Mahila Samiti.
Badtunda and nearby villages are drought prone, so most of the people subsist below the poverty line. Crop failure often forces them to mortgage their land to local Mahajans or landlords. The rate of interest is so steep that the chance of recovering their land becomes remote, if not impossible.
When Niladri’s husband was seriously ill, she had to mortgage their land for his treatment. Later, the couple found it impossible to recover their land. It was the Mahila Vikash Samiti that came to Niladri’s rescue by helping her pay back the debt of Rs5,000 and recover the land. According to the norms of the Samiti, the family has to give up ownership rights over half an acre of land. In addition, the borrower has to pay a nominal interest of two per cent a month on the amount loaned by the Samiti. Earlier, they had to pay 10 per cent interest every month to Mahajans and landlords.
However, it is Niladri and her husband who decide on the kind of crop to be cultivated on the land. Similarly, Indira borrowed Rs6,000 and Khagni Nag, Rs7,000 from the Samiti to pay off debts and recover their mortgaged land. There have been numerous cases where villagers have borrowed money from the Samiti for the education and marriage of their children.
As the Samitihas evolved from a self-help group, the villagers finally seem to have found the answers to their miserable living conditions, says Jagannath Mishra of Vikalpa, a non-government organisation (NCO) working in the area. It first started organising the women of the region for their empowerment through Mahila Vikash Samities. In the Samiti, saving and credit operations are an important component of their developmental strategy. It also organises solitary action and legal redressal forums. Following a workshop on land rights and land alienation, a group of women took the initiative to recover land mortgaged by their husbands to Mahqians by utilising their group saving. Later, through an agreement with their husbands, they possessed ownership rights of the land. This is a significant turning point, Mishra maintains. This small initiative has released about 150 acres of land from the clutches of unscrupulous traders and moneylenders.
Moreover, the movement has led to the emergence of a group of women farm owners. These farm owners possess the right to own, sell, mortgage, cultivate and sell the produce of their land.
However, the task of empowering women is not yet complete, as there are many women in the area who are not yet members of the Samiti. But awareness is growing.

Caption: No More Crushing Debts
Language: English
Release Date: NA
Fellowship Year: 1997  
News paper : The Asian Age 

About : Purusottam Singh Thakur

Is a freelance Journalist as Well as the Editor and Publisher of the Oriya Fortnightly jan Madhyam. In His writings here the plight Of women and children in Kalahandi district of Orissa Is revealed.

• Fellowship Programme

Tobacco Eats Into Koraput Tribals’ Health, Hard-Earned Money

 Purusottam Singh Thakur, Media fellow,  2009-10

While smoking kills over nine lakh people every year in India, bidi-smoking women shorten their lives by about eight years on an average and smoking 1-7 bidis a day raises mortality risks by 25 per cent. Buduni Bhumia in remote Ramgiri village of Koraput district has never heard of these shocking details on tobacco consumptions.

In fact, the Budunis are hardly ever told in simple language that, what they chew or smoke in a carefree manner in the pristine village forests is all set to snatch them away from their near and dear ones much earlier than they imagine.

Rural Odisha, especially, the tribal-dominated regions have never been in the grip of tobacco as it has been today.

A weekly marketplace in Koraput depicts how the local-made tobaccos are sold like hotcakes and men and women queue up for stacking tobacco materials for their weekly consumptions.

Forty-year-old Bhagban Sagar of Ramgiri village has been a small trader of dhungia (colloquially bidi) over a decade.

Bhagban’s income has shot up in recent years as consumption of tobacco among the villagers has increased substantially.

He now hops from one market to another and enjoys his booming business.

He is now contented with his journey from mere daily labourer in the brick-kilns to becoming a trader.

However, he is not aware of the fact that he is dishing out slow deaths to his fellow tribes.

A small interaction with Bhagban makes it clear how tobacco consumption is higher among the least educated, poorest, and the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes.

“A big chunk of the buyers belong to the Kondh community and frequent the weekly market only for dhungia,” he said.

Bhagban himself pleads ignorance about the bad effects of tobacco.

At Dhandabadi weekly market, more than five traders of dhungia were seen raking mullahs over the locals’ lack of knowledge about the ill-impact of tobacco.

At Dhandabadi, people from Bhumia tribes are the main buyers.

Tobacco consumption is not all about health only, but it also eats into the hard-earned money of the tribals.

Two tribal women, who came to purchase dhungia leaves, said that they spent Rs 2 on tobacco daily.

This is a not a small amount considering the acute chronic hunger and poverty prevailing in the region.

Smoking bidi, suta and chewing dhungia has not been a habit developed in the adults. They catch it from young tribals.

Holding dry dhungia leaves, Sada Saunta said that he was into smoking since his childhood.

They give interesting reasons for developing tobacco consumption in Koraput.

Ram Saunta of Gadaguda village said that he has been using tobacco to get rid of dental problem.

“I am sure, it is not good for health, but I get relief from dental germs as tobacco kills them,” Ram said.

Besides, the tribal population faces bombardment of small tobacco packets which have been attracting the youngsters.

In Putiaguda village, most of the people have shifted to readymade tobacco from traditional dhungia.

“Since it is easily available in the local market, I am using gutkha (packed tobacco),” said Saba Saunta.

The prevalence of tobacco consumption in tribal region seems to be grossly underreported.

Tobacco is making further inroads into tribal regions in different shapes and cultures. Surprisingly, neither the Government nor any non-Government organisation has thought of creating awareness to persuade the tribals to give up the killer habit.

Caption: Tobacco Eats Into Koraput Tribals’ Health, Hard-Earned Money

Language: English

Media Released: The Pioneer

Release Date: 2010

Fellowship Year: 2009-10

The Paradox of Kalahandi

By PURUSOTTAM SINGH THAKUR 

1997, Fellow, National Foundation for India

Abject poverty in a land of plenty.  

Dispossessed of all they are entitled to, the lower Jatis – women and children of Kalahandi remain voiceless and defenseless in their struggle to survive. They have limited access to education and health, are discriminated against on all counts – class, caste and gender – and worse, are deprived of the most basic needs of life.

Despite nature’s generosity – 7.621akh hectares of cultivable land; 5.271akh hectares of forest; hundreds of perennial streams and rivers; rich deposits of bauxite, graphite, manganese, precious and semiprecious stones – Kalahandi today, is one of the poorest, most underdeveloped districts of India.

It is also a fact that this district exports food .and that here the per capita availability of food is higher than-in the state of Orissa. Yet, even in a good harvest year, malnutrition is endemic – that is the paradox of Kalahandi.

Land and forest are central to the survival of most of the population. Since agriculture is limited to single rainfed cropping, the forests have seriously depleted over the last 50 years. The reasons why agriculture has failed to sustain the people of Kalahandi are many – fragmentation of landholding, decrease in soil fertility and lack of modem irrigation methods.

Progressive land reforms could have held poverty and-injustice at bay .. Instead, feudal attitudes and the callousness of government servants combined to devastate the vulnerable. Thirty-five years after it was gifted to the landless, ceiling surplus land remains unclaimed and uncultivated. Perhaps it is because the rich and the unscrupulous always find a way to suppress the poor. Way back, in 1978, with much fanfare, the Revenue Department awarded pattas for surplus land to 14 landless families from Schedule Caste (SC)/Schedule Tribe (ST)/ Other Backward Classes (OBC), in Nuapada district’s Chanabeda Village Twenty-two years later, the same Revenue Department evicted these 14 families from their land without any compensation, either for the land or the work they had put into it.

Though provisions have been made for basic education, the schools in the interior can hardly justify their existence. Hard labour at home and in the fields makes it impossible for children to attend school. When they do, the curriculum is uninspiring, the teachers authoritarian, and the medium of education, often alien.

There is little in the way of healthcare here – preventive or curative. Those who do not fall prey to malnutrition suffer from diseases that follow lack of hygiene. Since life is unrelenting and the pickings poor, the people of Kalahandi rnigrate in the hope of a better life.

Labour contractors and the railways make it possible to migrate, sometimes to distant places. Unfortunately, most move from one exploitative system to another. The able-bodied work in harsh conditions on alien land to earn a few 100 rupees, leaving their families bereft and often unprotected at home.

Although there is seasonal family migration too, most migrants are unaccompanied by their families. A hard life becomes even harder for those who are left behind – the old, the infirm, women and children. The women must perform wage labour, do all the household work and care for the young and the old. The cruel hard work and lack of nutritious food often make them succumb to tuberculosis. Some husbands return with venereal diseases, further compounding their wives’ misery. Then there are those who do not return, who are missing or lying dead – in a faraway field, in a train or on a platform.

In the migration season, the school dropout rate soars, as children leave for new places or take on low-paid menial jobs to help out at home. In spite of government and non-government organisation (NCO) initiatives – day schools and residential schools – child labour flourishes. Throughout Kalahandi, bonded labour exists under athin disguise. Children, mostly girls, are in demand, because upper caste people, those in service and businessmen need domestic help. While some employers provide basic facilities, the large majority of children slave from morning till night. Some are also sexually exploited; but these crimes are rarely reported and So the children have no recourse to justice.

As the vicious circle completes itself, there is no hope for a better .future. SPirit and health broken, the poor of Kalahandi are resigned to a life of unmitigated misery.

Caption: The Paradox of Kalahandi

Language: English

Release Date: NA

Fellowship Year: 1997

ABOUT : PURUSOTTAM SINGH THAKUR

Is a freelance Journalist as well as the Editor and Publisher of the Oriya Fortnightly Jan Madhyam. In his writings here the plight Of women and children in Kalahandi district of OrissaiIs revealed.

purusottam25@gmail.com

The sincere effort of a teacher is admired by villagers

Government Primary School, Saraitola (B)

Saraitola, Nagri Block, Dhamtari, Chhattisgarh

Purusottam Singh Thakur,
Azim Premji Foundation

www.azimpremjifoundation.org

“I met the parents personally to break the culture of silence prevailing among the students of our school. I started talking to them in Chhattisgarhi instead of Hindi,and it works” says Sanjay Kumar Patel, a teacher (Shiksha Karmee) of the Government Primary School, Saraitola (B).

Saraitola is a tribal forest village under Guhaan-nala gram panchayat in Nagri block of Dhamtari district of Chhattisgarh state. The village is located about 4 km. away from the Dhamtari-Nagri road. There are around 60-64 households in the village.A poverty ridden village,each of its households has a BPL (Below Poverty Line) ration card.

While passing through this village, the school and its ambience attracted us and we went inside.

We reached there at around 4.30 pm, yet the school office was open. Sanjay Patel, who is a Shiksha Karmee, was busy with some registers. He welcomed us with a smile and greeted us with a warm handshake. When we asked about the students, he replied, “The parents have requested us to leave the students early as they were supposed to accompany parents for Gattasilly mandei mela” (TheMadei Mela is a popular fair in this tribal region which people celebrate after harvesting in each village, one after another).

The School with 37 students in total, includes 19 boys and 18 girls. Out of 37 students, 2 belong to Other Back ward Castes community and the rest belong to Scheduled Tribes.

There are three teachers, but one of them has been deputed to the newly established Thakur para school. So now,the school has only two teachers – Sanjay Patel and the Head Teacher, Hiraman Singh Netam. Head Master Hirman Netam is a local resident and from the tribal community as well, he too had left earlier for the mela, informed Mr. Patel.

Sanjay Patel said that when he joined in 2009, the condition of the students was not well, and they looked frightened. “When we asked them anything, they kept mum. But this is no more the situation here. Now they can face the people. I tried to build the relationship between the teachers and the students. I went to the villagers and met the parents of each student and also meet the students separately. I became familiar with them by speaking their language, Chhattisgarhi. Then, the villagers came closer to the school, they started supporting the school. They start attending SMC meetings, which they were not doing earlier. A bond has been created between the school and the villagers.

Earlier, parents would not allow their kids to go outside for study. He said the villagers very often said, “ Hum gond gawanr hain…” , meaning we are illiterate and ignorant tribes; we don’t know anything about the outside world.’Patel continues, “But we convinced them and motivated them that this is not true,that they can also do a great job. Then two students who were doing well in their studies got admitted to the hostel. Thus, the villagers extend their support to the school and teachers.”

“When I was alone, I stayed in the village, but now I’m staying with my family,some 5 km away from the village in a place called Dugli.”He says he doesn’t stay in the village because his two children are studying in high school and the village has no vegetable market and no shops.

When asked about his dream, he says, “My dream is the development of the students. I want to see them as good human beings.”

We were quite impressed with the school and the teacher Sanjay Patel. We bid farewell and went inside the village which was on our way ahead. When we saw a group of three villagers sitting outside a house and some kids playing nearby, we stopped there.

I asked one of the men, Ghasiram Netam, about the school(Netam is also the father of three school-going kids He said, “The school is doing well after Patel Sir has joined and we don’t want to leave him. He is not only guiding our students but is guiding as well.”

After a week, we visited the school again in the afternoon duringschool hours. We found students sitting in three classes. Head Teacher Hiraman Singh Netam was in the combined class of 2+3, Sanjay Patel was in another combined class, 4+5, and the Class 1students were found doing some classwork on mathematics on their own.

We also got the opportunity to interact with students and class 1students really surprised us by answering some general knowledge questions! They also answered what their future ambitions are.

Except for a few,students of classes 4 and 5 were in quisitive and academically knowledgeable. Despite being a remote tribal school, the students have aspirations of pursuing higher studies and becoming professionals likes engineers, doctors, teachers, etc.

Despite some challenges,this school demonstrates a very good relationship between the villagers and the school.The sincere efforts put in by the teacher are clearly visible. And it is our hope that the school will prove to be a change-maker in the future.

The Tribals of Kalahandi

The TribaIs of Kalahandi

By Purusottam Singh Thakur, 1997 , Fellow, National Foundation for India

Isolated from the mainstream tribals remain victims of their own superstitions and others’ exploitation Superstition
The world of the tribals of Kalahandi region in Orissa is woven around superstitions and age-old customs – as is the case with most of their brethren elsewhere in the country. The strict social order and regulations that have governed their lives for generations are inexorable.
A recent incident which took place in Nuapada district’s Dharamsagar village, situated on the Khariyar-Rajpur Road, is an
apt example. Seventy-year-old Amru Guaal, his wife Niraasha Guaal, 60, his daughter, 20-year-old Pada, son-in-law, Srikar, 30 and his grandchild, Karnla, 8, are residents of Dharamsagar village. The Guaal family barely manages to survive on the wages of manual labour and often goes to bed hungry.
On the day of the incident, there was neither money nor food in the house, not an uncommon occurrence. Even so, a restless Srikar, hunger pangs gnawing at his stomach, asked his wife for food. When told that there was no food in the house, he asked for Rs20; that too, the wife said was not available. An incensed Srikar then took off his plastic slipper and started beating his wife with it. The father-in-law, who tried to intervene, also got beaten up with the slipper.
Later, when the village came to know of the incident, the Jhariya community – to which the Guaals belonged – ostracised Amru and his daughter Pada, because they were beaten by a plastic slipper! They were also prohibited from drawing water from the community well and from interacting with the community. When Amru remonstrated, he was told that their fault would be condoned if he held a feast for people drawn from various communities.
For Amru, already impoverished, the punishment was dreadful.But he had to obey the dictates of the community if he and other members of his family were to be accepted back into the community A helpless Amru and his wife then mortgaged the only bell metal plate they had, for Rs200 in Khariyar. They borrowed some more money; all of which added up to Rs350. They bought a few hens, rice and other items and sacrificed a goat from their herd to prepare a grand feast for communities drawn from Conabira, Kalimaati, Komna Dargi, Sialati and Dharamsagar.
After the feast, all the members of Amru’s family had their heads tonsured. Milk was sprinkled on them to make them ‘pure’ and only then were they accepted back into the community. As if all this was not enough, the father, daughter and son-ill-law were fined Rs100. Such customs, born of superstition, abound among the tribals and condemn families like Amru’s to live in perpetual debt.

Exploitation
Mahulkot village, with a tribal population of 750, has had its share of drought and starvation deaths, but the inhabitants have learnt to live with them. Consecutive years of drought have forced them to seek work in Khariyar, 13 km away. They sell wood there or else travel to Raipur to pull rickshaws or work in farmhouses. Last year, the promise of more money, lured many of them to Andhra Pradesh to work in brick kilns. Among them was 14-year-old Bhagwan Maazhi, the only son of Gomti, a widow. Her husband had died of starvation three years ago.
Bhagwan left with great expectations last November, but returned six months later, heartbroken. According to him, the seth who had employed him and the others made them work ‘like animals’. Although their hands and feet were swollen and their bodies became weak, there was no reprieve. The earlier promise of Rs25 for every load of 1000 bricks dwindled to Rs 16. Most of the money went towards buying wheat from the local market, which, the workers found, was inedible. The language that the peoplein the area spoke was also unintelligible to them, adding to their woes. Sick of this miserable existence, many pleaded that they be sent back, but the seth paid no heed to their request.
With considerable difficulty, Bhagwan managed to return to his village, totally emaciated, with Rs20 in his pocket. “I would rather die of hunger in my village than ever go to Andhra,” was what Bhagwan said. He was echoing the sentiments of many from the village who had gone in search of greener pastures that proved a cruel mirage. Hemant Putel, his sister, Chanchala Putel and his mother, Met Putel, residents of Dhaaman Danga village, situated between Khariyar and Kantabanji, were also part of the exodus to Andhra Pradesh. They too went to a brick kiln, where they
were forced to put in long hours of work to pay off a loan ofRs2000 taken from the sardar. The punishing routine took its toll on their health.
When it was time to go back home, the three boarded an overcrowded compartment in a train bound for their village. On the way, mother Met had a severe attack of gastroenteritis and near Tumkunda station she stopped breathing. Both brother and sister could do nothing but cry.
When the train reached their destination, the miserable twosome was unable to take their mother’s body off the train – they did not have enough money to do that. And even if they had managed to take their mother’s body off the train with the help of some good Samaritans, the railway police would have harassed them and grabbed whatever money they had. A villager commented thus, “The railway police may take less money for a living person but they will take more money for the dead”. So Hemant and Chanchala had to abandon their mother’s body in the train.
Despite such privations, poverty drives the tribals to Andhra Pradesh every year. But for some, like Hemant, suffering with gastroenteritis after the ordeal, it will never again be Andhra.

Caption: The TribaIs of Kalahandi
Language: English
Release Date: NA
Fellowship Year: 1997, National Media Award Programme, National Foundation for India

Gudakhu ke gulam/ By Purusottam Singh Thakur/ Nav Bharat Daily, Raipur/ raviwar.com

गुड़ाखू के गुलाम

 PURUSHOTTAM SINGH THAKUR

 2009-10

 0 COMMENTS

 6 VIEWS

इस तस्वीर में गुड़िया जैसी दिखनेवाली 3 साल की इस नन्ही परी का नाम टमी है. 3 साल की इस बच्ची की उंगली में गुड़ाखू लगा है और वह उस से दांत घिस रही है. कालाहांडी जिले के नियमगिरि पहाड़ में बसे गांव लाखपदर में जब मैंने उसे घर के बाहर खड़े होकर गुड़ाखू करते देखा तो पेशोपेश में पड़ गया. गुड़ाखू यानी एक तरह का तंबाकू मिश्रित दंतमंजन, जिसमें अच्छा-खासा नशा होता है. सोचा, जरुर यह बच्ची गलती से गुड़ाखू कर रही होगी. मैंने घर के अंदर बैठी उसकी मां को आवाज़ लगाई. मां का जवाब था- नहीं, वह गुड़ाखू ही कर रही है.

उसकी मां खुद भी गुड़ाखू करती हैं और उन्होंने कहा कि उनके गांव की ज्यादातर लड़कियां और महिलायें गुड़ाखू करती हैं. पुरुष तो गुड़ाखू करते ही हैं.

इतने घने जंगल में बसे इस डोंगरिया कंध आदिवासी गांव में यह गुड़ाखू किस हद तक अपने पैर पसार चुका है, इस बात को समझने के लिये टमी की हालत देखना पर्याप्त था. तंबाकू मिला यह कथित दंतमंजन उस नन्हीं सी जान के जिस्म में किस तरह के दुष्प्रभाव पैदा कर रहा होगा और आगे क्या करेगा, यह पता नहीं पर इसमें कोई शक नहीं कि टमी के लिये इसका इस्तेमाल जानलेवा भी साबित हो सकता है.

हालांकि टमी को तो इसका इल्म भी नहीं है लेकिन उसकी मां भी इस बात से बेखबर है कि उन्होंने जाने-अनजाने कितनी खतरनाक चीज़ को अपना लिया है.

आसपास के छोटे दुकानों के अलावा साप्ताहिक हाट में सब तरफ मिलने वाला यह गुड़ाखू जिन छोटी-छोटी डिबियों में बिकता है, उसमें किसी तरह की कोई चेतावनी भी नहीं लिखी होती है. यहां तक कि गुड़ाखू कैसे बनता है और उसमें क्या-क्या सामग्री मिलाई गयी है, उसकी भी कोई जानकारी नहीं दी जाती है. जनता के नाम अपील में दर्ज होता है कि गुड़ाखू वास्तव में तम्बाकू मिश्रित एक दंत मंजन है.

तंबाखू के सेवन से शरीर को जितना नुकसान होता है, उतना ही नुकसान गुड़ाखू के सेवन से भी होता है. इसके प्रयोग से मुंह और श्वांस नली के विभिन्न भागों में कैंसर हो सकता है. दांतों में इसे घिसने से हाजमा खराब होना, भूख न लगना, एलर्जी और अल्सर आदि रोग बड़ी तेज़ी से पनपते हैं.

आंकड़े बताते हैं कि भारत में हर साल तक़रीबन 10 लाख भारतीयों की मौत केवल धुम्रपान जनित बीमारी से होती है. लगभग 28 प्रतिशत भारतीय यानि आबादी का एक तिहाई तम्बाकू का सेवन करता हैं, जिनमें 15 से 49 वर्ष के लोग शामिल हैं. लेकिन इनके मुकाबले महिलाओं के आंकड़े भी कमजोर नहीं हैं. तक़रीबन 11 प्रतिशत यानि करीब 5 करोड़ 40 लाख महिलायें किसी ना किसी रूप में तम्बाकू का सेवन करती हैं. इनमें ज्यादातर महिलाएं धुआं रहित तम्बाकू का इस्तेमाल करते हैं, जैसे तम्बाकू वाला गुटखा, पान मसाला,मिश्री गुल आदि. 35 से 69 वर्ष की तक़रीबन 20 में से एक यानि 90,000 महिलाओं की मौत के लिए धुम्रपान को जिम्मेदार ठहराया जा सकता है.

लेकिन इन सारे आंकड़ों से बेखबर उड़ीसा के घने जंगलों में बसे इन गांवों में गुड़ाखू के अलावा खैनी और गुटका भी लोगों को नशे की एक ऐसी गिरफ्त में कस रहे हैं, जिससे निकलना मुश्किल है. पहाड़ी रास्तों में हर जगह गुटका और खैनी के खाली पाउच नज़र आते हैं. गांव की बुजुर्ग महिलायें और युवतियों में तो जैसे खैनी खाने की होड़ सी लगी हुई है. ये महिलाऐं खैनी को अपनी कमर में खोंस के रखती हैं. फिर चाहे वह घर पर हों, बाज़ार जा रही हों, काम पर या रिश्तेदारों के घर. कमर में हर वक्त खैनी की एक पोटली पड़ी रहती है.

गौरतलब है कि कालाहांडी जिले के लांजीगढ़ ब्लाक के नियमगिरि पहाड़ में बसे ये आदिवासी, बदनाम ब्रितानी कंपनी वेदांता के खिलाफ अपने अस्तित्व की लड़ाई लड़ रहे हैं, जो नियमगिरि पर्वत में बॉक्साइट की खुदाई करना चाहता है. नियमगिरि पर्वत को डोंगरिया कंध नियम राजा कहते हैं और उसकी पूजा अर्चना करते हैं क्योंकि यहाँ पीढियों से ना केवल उनका बसेरा है बल्कि यह नियमगिरि उन्हें वह सब कुछ देता है, जो उन्हें चाहिये. इस ‘सब कुछ’ में भोजन से लेकर जडी-बुटी और दूसरे जरुरी सामान शामिल हैं.

ऐसे में आश्चर्य नहीं कि तंबाकू, गुटका, खैनी और गुड़ाखू जैसी नशीली सामग्री को इलाके में जिस तरह से विस्तारित किया जा रहा है, उससे आदिवासी समाज के अंदर एक खास किस्म की अराजकता और कमजोरी पैदा हो रही है. जाहिर है, इससे ब्रितानी कंपनी वेदांता के खिलाफ चल रही लड़ाई भी कहीं न कहीं कमज़ोर पड़ेगी ही.

दूसरी ओर जिस राज्य सरकार को अपनी आदिवासी जनता की सुध लेनी थी, उसका कहीं अता-पता नहीं है. उदाहरण के लिये लाखपदर गांव को ही लें. गांव में ना तो स्कूल है, ना ही स्वास्थ्य केंद्र. गांव तक आने के लिये कोई सड़क भी नहीं है. गांव के छोटे बच्चे भी अपने मां-बाप के साथ जंगल जाते हैं और घर के लिए खाना जुगाड़ने में लगे रहते हैं.

मामला केवल लाखपदर और कालाहांडी तक सिमटा हुआ है, ऐसा नहीं है. कोरापूट जिले के पोटापोड़ू गांव में जब हम पहुंचे तो गांव के बाहर एक इमली के पेड़ के नीचे बड़ी संख्या में महिलायें बैठी थीं. अधिकांश महिलाओं के कान में तंबाकू के पीका लगे हुए थे. ये ऐसे पीका हैं, जिनसे महिलायें नशे का सेवन करती हैं. पता चला कि गांव की अधिकांश महिलाओं को इसकी लत है. दूसरी और महिलाओं के एक साथ मिल बैठने और खाली समय में बोरियत दूर करने के लिये भी पीका का सेवन किया जा रहा है. महिलायें पीका में डूबी हैं. कम उम्र की लड़कियां और गर्भवती औरतें भी. इस बात से बेखबर कि इसका उनके स्वास्थ्य पर क्या असर पड़ेगा. सरकार की लापरवाही और उदासीनता से एकदम दूर, जैसे हर फिक्र को धुयें में उड़ाते हुये और जीवन की हर समस्या को गुड़ाखू की तरह समय की धार पर घिसते हुये.

Caption: गुड़ाखू के गुलाम

Language: Hindi

Media Released: raviwar.com

Release Date: 2010

Fellowship Year: 2009-10